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KOLUMN Magazine

What You’re Allowed to Say About Who You Are

After affirmative action’s fall, applicants learned to translate identity into “character.” Now Washington wants to audit the translation.

Affirmative Action, Diversity Equity and Inclusion, DEI, KOLUMN Magazine, KOLUMN, African American News, Black News, African American Journalism, Black Journalism, African American History, Black History, African American Art, Black Art, African American Music, Black Music, African American Wealth, Black Wealth, African American Education, Black Education, Historic Black University or College, HBCU

Jaleel Gomes Cardoso was staring at Yale’s essay question when the familiar college-admissions dread took on a new, legal shape. Reflect on your membership in a community to which you feel connected, the prompt instructed. Why is this community meaningful to you?

Cardoso, a Black student from Boston, knew exactly what he wanted to write. The Black community, he said later, was “the obvious choice.” But the Supreme Court’s decision in Students for Fair Admissions v. Harvard—the ruling that ended race-conscious admissions—had changed the atmosphere around that choice. “Ever since the decision about affirmative action, it kind of worried me about talking about race,” he told The Hechinger Report. “That entire topic felt like a risky decision.”

Risk, in the college essay, is usually a literary tool: the detail you reveal, the honesty you gamble on, the version of yourself you decide not to soften. But in the year after SFFA, risk started to mean something else. It meant not just how your story would land, but who might be reading it as proof of something—evidence of a system’s workaround, or of a student’s “proxy” for race.

Cardoso wrote the essay anyway. He put his racial identity at the center, and he refused to pretend that a supposedly “race-blind” process could ask for a life story while demanding that race remain offstage. “If you’re not going to see what my race is in my application, then I’m definitely putting it in my writing,” he said, because “you have to know that this is the person who I am.”

He didn’t get into Yale. He did get into Dartmouth.

That same season—while students like Cardoso were deciding whether to risk clarity—President Donald Trump’s administration began treating those very decisions as the next front in its post-SFFA campaign: not just to prohibit explicit consideration of race, but to scrutinize how race might surface in the softer materials of admissions, especially personal statements.

The Supreme Court’s majority opinion in SFFA tried to draw a line that felt clean on paper and messy in life: race cannot be used as a factor in admissions, yet applicants may discuss how race has shaped their experiences, so long as that discussion is tied to “a quality of character or unique ability.”

Admissions offices—and the sprawling industry of counselors, essay coaches and nonprofit advisers—responded the way American institutions often do when the rules change but the stakes do not: they adapted.

In July 2023, Rafael Figueroa, a dean of college guidance, described tutoring Native American and Native Hawaiian students when the Court’s decision landed. Before the ruling, he had told students they didn’t need to write about ethnicity. Afterward, he reversed course: “If I told you that you didn’t have to write about your native or cultural identity, you need to get ready to do another supplemental essay,” he recalled telling them.

In the same Time report, Timothy Fields, an Emory University admissions leader, predicted the essay would expand in importance: “The essay is going to take up a lot more space than maybe it has in the past,” he said, because schools would be “really trying to understand who this person is.”

And in Washington Post reporting later that fall, a counselor named Scott Albert Johnson warned against a different kind of adaptation: writing about race as a strategy rather than a truth. “Shoehorning your race into the essay, that’s not likely to be productive,” he said. “I would never advise a student to discuss race… in a way that feels inauthentic or is designed to outsmart the process.”

This was the new vernacular: identity, yes—but only if it can be translated into merit; race, yes—but only if it arrives wearing the mask of character.

Now the Trump Administration is arguing that the translation itself is the problem.

In an August 2025 presidential action titled “Ensuring Transparency in Higher Education Admissions,” the White House framed “race-based admissions practices” as not only unfair, but as a threat to “national security and well-being,” and declared a policy of requiring federally funded institutions to be “transparent in their admissions practices.”

The thrust of the initiative, as described in contemporaneous reporting, is the Administration’s belief that colleges are using “personal statements and other proxies” to consider race despite SFFA’s prohibition—and that federal oversight should treat those materials not as narrative, but as a potential compliance problem.

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The Administration’s approach has come in two reinforcing forms: guidance that warns schools not to use indirect indicators of race, and a transparency regime that demands new admissions reporting.

A February 2025 “Dear Colleague” letter from the U.S. Department of Education’s Office for Civil Rights—signed by Acting Assistant Secretary Craig Trainor—casts a wide net over what the Department considers impermissible. It argues that institutions may not use students’ “personal essays,” “writing samples,” “participation in extracurriculars,” or “other cues” as a means of “determining or predicting a student’s race and favoring or disfavoring such students.”

Chalkbeat, covering the letter and its implications, distilled the message into a plain warning: using personal essays or extracurriculars to predict race and extend preferential treatment is illegal, the letter said.

Then, in August 2025, the Administration moved from warning to measurement. Under a Trump-ordered policy described by the Associated Press, colleges would be required to submit admissions data intended to demonstrate they do not consider race. The Administration’s memo cited the “persistent lack of available data” alongside concerns about “hidden racial proxies,” including personal statements.

The federal mechanism is leverage: institutions that rely on federal student aid programs operate under Title IV of the Higher Education Act, and the memo contemplates action if schools do not provide “timely, complete and accurate” data.

Jon Fansmith, a senior vice president at the American Council on Education, told AP he doubted the order would have much practical impact, given restrictions on collecting race data in admissions and the likelihood students may decline to report race even when asked post-enrollment. “Ultimately, will it mean anything? Probably not,” he said—while warning that the order sustains an accusation that some students are being “preferenced… at the expense of other students.”

ACE’s own summary of the policy likewise described the reporting expansion—framed as “transparency”—as focused primarily on applicants’ race, alongside other academic metrics.

What makes this moment distinct is not simply that Washington is collecting more data. It is that the Administration is making a conceptual claim about where discrimination “hides”: not only in checkboxes or explicit preferences, but in the narrative texture of an application—an essay written at 1:00 a.m. in a bedroom where the student’s life is finally quiet enough to be turned into sentences.

 

Eight students, one new anxiety: whether to disclose

In the first admissions cycle after Students for Fair Admissions, the anxiety did not arrive all at once. It crept in quietly, disguised as prudence. It appeared in late-night group chats, in hastily revised drafts, in the new advice counselors slipped into meetings with the casualness of people trying not to alarm anyone. You can still write about race, students were told. Just be careful how you frame it.

The Hechinger Report’s close reading of more than 50 essays, paired with interviews of newly admitted students, revealed how that caution played out in practice—not as silence, but as calibration. Students did not abandon identity. They learned to edit it, rearrange it, or translate it into something that sounded less like a claim and more like a credential.

Jaleel Gomes Cardoso’s choice—to center Blackness explicitly—was the outlier that proved the rule. He knew the risk, felt it in his body as he typed, and wrote anyway. “It kind of worried me about talking about race,” he said, explaining that the Supreme Court’s ruling had turned the subject into something fraught, something newly legible as too much. The fear was not abstract. It was procedural: Would an admissions reader see his essay as insight—or as evidence?

Others took different routes.

One student interviewed by Hechinger described drafting an essay about growing up bilingual in a Spanish-speaking household, then deleting the opening paragraph that named her ethnicity outright. She worried that specificity might overshadow the broader theme she wanted admissions officers to see: adaptability, responsibility, translation as a skill. Race did not disappear from the essay; it was diffused, braided into anecdote rather than declared as context.

Klaryssa Cobian, a first-generation Mexican American student from Los Angeles, made a more explicit pivot. She initially considered writing about cultural identity, then chose instead to foreground economic hardship. “Brown people can be rich,” she told Hechinger, explaining why race alone felt insufficient—and potentially misleading—without the material realities that shaped her daily life. Her decision was not to erase race, but to subordinate it to class, in part because class felt safer, more legible, less likely to be misread as a prohibited signal.

Another student, a Black applicant from the Midwest, described reworking an essay about organizing a Black Student Union. On an early draft, he framed the group as a response to racial isolation at his predominantly white school. On the final version, the word Black appeared only once. The rest of the essay emphasized leadership skills, event planning, conflict resolution. “I didn’t want it to sound like I was asking them to take pity,” he said, in a phrasing that betrayed the new emotional economy of admissions: identity, stripped of grievance, presented as competence.

Common App data suggests that this was not an isolated instinct. In the post-SFFA cycle, about 12 percent of applicants from underrepresented racial and ethnic groups used at least one of dozens of identity-related phrases in their essays, with Black applicants doing so at higher rates than white applicants. The numbers do not show a collapse of disclosure. They show selectivity—students choosing which parts of themselves to name explicitly, and which to leave for inference.

Counselors noticed the shift immediately. Some warned against strategic overcorrection. In Washington Post reporting, Scott Albert Johnson cautioned students not to “shoehorn” race into an essay simply because they believed it might now matter more. Others, like Rafael Figueroa, moved in the opposite direction, urging Native Hawaiian and Native American students to articulate identity more clearly than they might have before, precisely because the formal consideration of race was now barred.

Between those poles—don’t force it, don’t hide it—students were left to navigate an unresolved question: Who decides when identity becomes a proxy?

For many, the anxiety was not about rejection alone, but about misrecognition. Would an admissions officer understand a story about a segregated neighborhood as context—or as code? Would a reference to church be read as community engagement, or as a racial marker? Would writing about discrimination suggest resilience, or invite suspicion that resilience itself was being leveraged?

One student put it bluntly: “It felt like I had to write a lawyerly version of my life.” Every paragraph needed a defense; every detail needed a justification beyond its truth.

What unites these eight students’ stories is not a single strategy, but a shared unease. The personal statement, once imagined as the freest space in an otherwise rigid process, has become the most scrutinized. Students still tell their stories—but now they do so with an awareness that the reader may be weighing not just narrative quality or insight, but compliance.

In that sense, the anxiety is not simply about whether to disclose race. It is about whether disclosure itself has been redefined—from an act of self-representation into something closer to a risk assessment.

Supporters of the Administration’s posture argue that SFFA should mean what it says: admissions should not reward or penalize race, directly or indirectly. In that view, personal statements and “holistic” materials can become a workaround—especially if institutions train readers to interpret certain experiences as coded identity markers.

Critics do not necessarily dispute the need for compliance with SFFA. Their concern is what happens when enforcement logic enters the space of self-description: the essay becomes something like a controlled substance—permitted in principle, suspect in practice.

The Education Department’s February 2025 letter is illustrative. Its caution about “proxies” is not limited to intentional discrimination; it describes broad categories of information (essays, extracurriculars, cues) that could be used to “predict” race.

In that framing, a student’s candor becomes administratively dangerous: a personal statement that mentions tribal affiliation, a neighborhood defined by segregation, a church defined by immigrant history, a civil-rights club defined by its membership—these are not merely parts of a life; they are possible “signals” requiring institutional proof that the signal did not influence the outcome.

Even on the Administration’s own terms, there is a practical contradiction. The government is demanding race-disaggregated admissions data to police discrimination, while the Justice Department has, in another arena, moved to limit “disparate impact” analysis—an enforcement tool that relies on statistical disparities rather than provable intent. The Washington Post described the DOJ’s December 2025 rollback as eliminating a long-used analytic approach in civil-rights enforcement, while noting that the Administration is simultaneously pursuing race-based admissions data.

The result is a civil-rights philosophy that, to critics, can read like a one-way mirror: more surveillance of institutions accused of helping students of color; fewer tools to demonstrate structural discrimination elsewhere.

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The deepest paradox of the post-SFFA era is that the Court’s invitation to discuss race—if tied to character—puts more burden on language. It asks applicants to do, in 650 words, what law will not allow them to do in a checkbox: translate identity into merit without making identity itself the basis of selection.

TIME captured the bluntness of that burden through Shereem Herndon-Brown, who described students of color conveying identity through story and culture—then acknowledged the discomfort: “Right now, we’re asking Black and brown kids to smack colleges in the face about being Black and brown,” he said, adding that he felt “mixed” about the necessity but saw writing as the channel.

And now, under the Trump Administration’s suspicion of “proxies,” the same channel is treated as a potential violation.

For students, this is not an abstract legal debate. It is a question about what kind of person the system permits them to be on paper.

Cardoso’s answer—you have to know that this is the person who I am—is also an argument about civic belonging. If the personal statement is one of the few places a young person can assemble the meaning of their life without interruption, then treating that assembly as inherently suspect is a way of telling them that certain kinds of truth require a defense.

The Administration’s transparency initiative, paired with federal guidance against “proxies,” is likely to produce several immediate effects:

More institutional documentation about how essays are read, how reviewers are trained, and how “character” is distinguished from identity.

More student uncertainty about what self-disclosure will be interpreted as, particularly among applicants already navigating unequal access to counseling and polishing resources.

More political storytelling about fairness that pits competing narratives against one another: the applicant who fears being disadvantaged by another’s “proxy,” and the applicant who fears being erased unless their story says out loud what a checkbox once did.

The nation’s selective admissions system has always asked teenagers to perform adulthood early. The difference now is that their most human artifact—the essay—has been promoted from narrative to contested terrain.

Cardoso, who wrote the risky essay and landed at Dartmouth, offered a kind of closing argument without legalese. He refused to let the process pretend that identity is irrelevant while simultaneously demanding that identity be converted into “qualities” and “abilities” for institutional consumption.

He wrote it anyway. And in doing so, he demonstrated the uncomfortable truth at the center of this new enforcement era: the personal statement was never just personal. It was always political—only now, it is being treated as potentially prosecutable.

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